Chapter XVIII. The farm

I told you, my dear, don’t be so quick to judge him

You are right, Youssef, not only that, you will not believe what he did!

-What?

– According to the report he submitted, the boy became his friend, and he began to look at him as if he was his older brother

– Great Aaron, this will be very helpful for us when the time comes.

-Yes, I asked the head of the branch to urge him to maintain his relationship with Walid, and even to consolidate it more.

He was given a proud and dignified greeting by the branch head of Air Force Intelligence. His goal was completely accomplished. This relationship with him was not taken into consideration because it demonstrated his capacity to innovate and take use of the greatest options that were presented to him. He found the boy, brought him back without creating a scene, and even added something new.

The same day, a copy of Basel’s report was delivered to the security office in the Abu Rummaneh neighborhood. Later that day, in the evening, a Persian translation of the report and a thorough account of the farm’s most recent developments were placed in one of the offices of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and National Security.

Since the majority of Syrians belong to the Sunni sect and the regime would not have tolerated the effects of another massacre in which it was directly involved without compelling justification, as well as the fact that massacres are the only option before it puts an end to any further revolutions, the idea for the massacres first came about after the 1980s revolution in Syria. In order to justify his killing of men, women, and children as well as, if necessary, their inhabitants’ homes, it was necessary to come up with plausible justifications.

In actuality, the Syrian government has not filed this plan as a trademark. Instead, people have occasionally used it throughout recent history by finding a common enemy with the original enemy, of their own skin. Perhaps he was inspired by the Egyptian regime of Gamal Abdel Nasser, who used the Islamic current in Egypt to rally the religious street behind him in order to turn against King Farouk. He later turned against the Islamists who had assisted him in gaining power and imprisoned them.

It’s a classic, easy idea. The enemy of my enemy is my friend.

Just like that, but with some changes.

Likewise, given that the majority of Syrians belong to the Sunni Muslim religion, it is imperative to identify an adversary for them among their own kind, even if that adversary is more antagonistic to the regime and the Alawite sect.

An enemy who shares the same intellectual, environmental, and ideological backgrounds as the majority of the population, who is able to speak to them in their language, and who can sway the majority of them by hiding behind their veil.

Who is this adversary?

Yes, who else will be like them—those with takfiri thinking, religious outcasts who kill Sunnis before the Alawite sect without a second’s hesitation—and they were once a very small minority of Sunnis. They are outcasts from their sect, but they emerged from their wombs, and their situation is similar to that of every sect in this world, which must contain outcasts.

Through his agents, who frequently used to be religious sheiks who used to instruct students in the fundamentals of their religion, he, therefore, carried out a widespread infiltration of mosques and legal science sessions. In return, these agents submitted detailed reports on everyone they perceived as being subject to religious deviation and extremism in it.

Then he kept an eye on them, and anyone he thought might be involved in a takfiri initiative of the right kind was detained and transferred to the farm.

Naturally, they were all tried alongside those who had been detained after the Hama Revolution. In order to save them the effort of caring for them, those who followed the road of takfir were able to escape on their own, and those who did not do so frequently by getting rid of them. And some of those who did not have serious charges against them or who had been arbitrarily detained were released, scattering ashes in people’s eyes as they did so. This was how the state of law operates: it arrests, prosecutes, and then releases those whose sentences are over because it does not oppress anyone.

While Syrian politicians, thinkers, and even conventional Islamists were subjected to torture and denied paper and pens, the takfiris were granted unfathomable luxuries at Sednaya prison. Even those books that were prohibited from circulation in public were brought to the wards by the jailers so that the inmates may study the tenets and practices of takfir. They had teachers among them who taught them through lectures and other courses on this art.

No matter how much time passes, a prisoner will not be freed from custody unless two fundamental requirements are met. There are two reasons to remove him from this situation: first, he has satisfied this thought and has turned into a freakish human being.

It was referred to as “The Farm” in all top-secret reports and correspondence about what was taking place in these units.

a combined operation was overseen directly by the regimes in Iran and Syria.

A farm in every sense of the word, in which ideas are planted in the minds of the victims, and they are injected with hatred and takfiri beliefs, according to psychological studies and carefully studied plans for each detainee, as a team of psychologists monitors all the time.

They used to fertilize them, just like you would other agricultural items. Even the food and beverages they consumed had particular forms of stimulants added to them, which improved their memory and raised the doses of evil they had inside of them, which they expelled as limitless greed. because of the desire for more intellectual oddities.

Some of them labeled the entire Syrian population as unbelievers, while others believed others to be such. Some of them even labeled themselves as infidels if they entertained an idea they deemed blasphemous before repenting and absolving themselves of their blasphemy. As a result, they divided into groups within the same wards, each of which declared blasphemy against the other and joined forces with the other.

These wards developed into little kingdoms that served as microcosms of the societies they were eventually released into and were given the resources they needed to govern their subjects.

The newcomers are the uninformed citizens of this kingdom, some of whom followed them under the influence of persuasion, others under the threat of violence, and some under the lure of temptations and advantages.

One of them is particularly noteworthy; it is the creation of a leader who lacked compassion and empathy. If given the chance, he would be a worse executioner than Hafez al-Assad, or at least this is what he has turned into as a result of years of brainwashing and exposure to irrational thought. He formed a group for himself and declared himself a prince over it.

He got to the point where he declared the entire Syrian population, along with every other group, both inside and outside the prison, to be infidels. Rather, he even made his own group disbelieve when it disagreed with his opinion, then he made them repent all one after the other.

He tortured, repressed, and deprived of his rights to those who opposed him. He established himself as the absolute ruler of the Saydnaya prison’s harshest and most powerful Takfiri faction during his time there.

They may eventually have to remove him to the street because he has been incarcerated for sixteen years, but how will they be able to control him there? How can they intimidate or extort him?

The tools are many, but the most important of them is a child he left behind on the day he was born.

He only heard his voice once, before he disappeared forever.